Goal Setting - Point of View Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Goal Setting - Point of View - Coursework Example For instance, a clear goal should take into consideration the parts of your day to day work that make you happy or frustrated. This helps to deal with different scenarios that may emerge while you carry out your duties. This also helps you to assess your interactions with your boss so as to be able to take corrective measures that can improve the chances of attaining the desired goals. The other important idea that should characterize goal setting for 2015 is that a specific goal should be measurable. This helps the user to be in a position to establish if the desired goal is attainable. This helps you to know that you are on track. If not, then necessary adjustments should be put in place to make sure that the desired goal is achieved. A well defined goal should be realistic, measurable and attainable. The avenue to be followed towards the attainment of the goal should also be clearly outlined so as to make it easy to attain the desired

Insulin Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Insulin - Term Paper Example The termination of gluconeogenesis and glycogenolysis results to restoration of normal glucose levels in the blood. The action of insulin in the body is usually brief and the level blood sugar changes after the action of insulin subsides. Besides the control of blood sugar, production of insulin initiates a series of metabolic reactions that are mainly mediated by the changes in expression of over 100 genes in the body (O’Brien and Granner, 1117). One of the major effects of insulin in such physiological processes includes the regulation in the expression of genes that stimulate absorption of amino acids, metabolisms of lipids mainly in the muscles and adipose tissue. In addition, insulin affects the expression of genes used for growth, development and survival of somatic cells (Rhodes and White8) Alfred Sanger did the first sequencing of amino acids that make up insulin hormone in 1955 (BCBC 1). According to BCBC (1) insulin is the first protein to have its amino acid chain determined and sequenced. Moreover, the hormone is the first â€Å"peptide protein measured by radioimmunoassay technique†. In addition, insulin is the first hormone to be produced in microorganisms using recombinant DNA technology, a process that was successfully conducted in the 1970s. Since then, insulin produced by recombinant DNA technology has been used for treating diabetes, replacing earlier hormones that were produced from purification of insulin from animal species (BCBC1) Disruption of insulin synthesis in the body causes several physiological changes in the body. One of the major impacts of low glucose production is hyperglycemia, a medical condition characterized by an abnormal increase of glucose in the blood plasma (Steiner and James 42). Other effects include poor growth and development of the body. Diabetic patients

Deviance Behavior and the Possible Causes Essay Example for Free

Deviance Behavior and the Possible Causes Essay Some may say its biological or psychological and even sociological reasons. There have been many studies to try and determine why people have deviant behavior and what happens to individuals when norms are broken. Not all behaviors are judged the same by all groups. For example, some may question if there are conditions under which suicide is an acceptable behavior. Lets same one person commits suicide in the face of a terminal illness but another person is a despondent person who jumps from a window, the second person may be judged differently. The first person’s suicide may be looked at with pity which the second person would be looked at in a shameful way. Another behavior that would highly be considered deviant would be committing a crime. For example, juvenile gangs provide an environment where young people learn to become criminals. Gang members glorify violence and retaliation as means to achieve social status. Whether it is an act of a crime or gang violence, criminals learn to be deviant as they embrace and conform to their street or gang’s norms. Americans consider such activities as alcoholism, excessive gambling, being nude in public, starting fires, stealing, lying, prostitution, and being gay to name only a few as being deviant. Therefore people who engage in deviant behavior are referred to as deviants. References Richard T. Schaefer. (2012). Sociology A Brief Introduction (Tenth Edition). McGraw-Hill Companies Inc, New York. Sociology of Deviance and Crime. (2013) By Ashley Crossman.

An Analysis Of Shanghai Volkswagen

An Analysis Of Shanghai Volkswagen Shanghai Volkswagen is one of the largest single foreign-invested projects ever conceived in China and has proven to be a successful development. Com- pared with Beijing Jeeps course, the German ventures progress was steady and smooth. In 1997 Shanghai Volkswagen headed the list of the top 500 foreign-funded enterprises operating in China. It is a joint venture between Volkswagen of Germany and Shanghai Automobile Industry Corporation. It posted a 21.3-percent rise in sales of its Santana model for the first seven months of 1997 in comparison to the same period in 1996 and reported a 10- percent increase in net profits for 1997 to 472.6 million renminbi. This will further the ventures reputation as the most successful partnership in Chinas car industry (Woodard 2002, p 39). Volkswagen has an aim as part of its global competition strategy to build up a business base in the Far East that will limit the dominance of Japanese firms. Its strategy is for China to become a big export base for the whole of Southeast Asia. In the year 2003 Volkswagen wants to be able to go to Japan with German-engineered cars that are produced in China. Officially, the company plans to produce nearly 700,000 cars by 2000 (Ball McCulloch 2005, p 77). However, the vision calls for at least a million cars. Shanghai Volkswagen was built on a more solid mutual foundation than the Jeep venture. In October 1984 a joint-venture agreement was signed between Volkswagen AG (VW AG) and a consortium of Chinese partners led by the Shanghai Automotive Industrial Corporation (SAIC), the Bank of China, and the Chinese National Automotive Industrial Corporation (CNAIC). Literature Review The agreement, valued at I billion renminbi, established a twenty-five-year Sino- German partnership with 50-percent equity provided by VW AG, 25 percent by SAIC, 15 percent by the Bank of China, and 10 percent by CNAIC. Initial equity from the partnership was used to finance the renovation of production facilities, to import production lines from Brazil, and to import the Santana completely knocked-down kits (CKDs). The new joint venture was christened Shanghai Volkswagen (Raveed Renforth 2007, p 49). Over the previous five-year period, the Chinese consortium had negotiated with more than eight international automobile manufactures before opting for a partnership with Shanghai Volkswagens German parent. As the second automobile joint venture in China after Beijing Jeep, the joint venture planned to manufacture automobiles and engines and was granted a special tax relief under Chinese guidelines for advanced technology partnerships: a standard two-year tax holiday and a special six- year reduced tax rate exclusive to Shanghai Volkswagen, all in exchange for promised technology transfer (Shanghai Volkswagen Automotive Ltd. 2004, p 23). West German experiences with Socialist East Germany have contributed to an understanding of command economies and their shortcomings (Raveed Renforth 2007, p 48). Therefore, Volkswagen representatives already knew what and how to negotiate with the Chinese partners. The contract they negotiated with the Chinese was notable for attention to detail, and for its ability to predict future difficulties. On one part of the contract, the Germans insisted on the assembly of imported CKD kits (The Economist 1990, p 16). Other parts of the contract also demonstrated Volkswagens foresight. Anticipating the problem of paying for imported kits with Chinese renminbi remittances, the contract allowed Shanghai Volkswagen to convert RMB into German marks at the prevailing official exchange rate until the venture had produced 89,000 cars (Bates et al. 2008, p 6-7). Such a clause would help protect the company against foreign exchange shortage that could possibly occur within the venture. The contract took into account the need to localize the Santana model. According to the agreement, however, responsibility for providing quality parts made in China rested squarely with the Chinese; Volkswagen had no obligation to hasten the process (Woodard 2002, p 41). To help balance the foreign exchange flowing out of China to pay for kit imports, the contract called for the venture to purchase engines produced in Shanghai to be used in cars manufactured in Europe (Hook 2001, p 10). The earnings generated from such exports would support the use of foreign currency by Shanghai Volkswagen for importing the kits and later the foreign components used for assembly in China. In addition, the price Volkswagen would pay for each engine was predetermined. The primary concern was the possibility for localization. Localization was planned to start immediately in order to reduce the foreign exchange expense of importing the Santana kits from Germany. It was planned to reach a local content of 20 percent in 1988, 32 percent in 1989, and 84 percent in 1990 (Frisbie 2003, p 4). The negative factors were poor local supply, the Chinese partners existing technical capability, and foreign exchange. Volkswagen also worried about the effect poor-quality products would have on the companys reputation. At this time China was not known for its ability to manufacture complex products with dependable quality. The industrial infrastructure in the auto- mobile industry was poor. Components were imported because local suppliers could not manufacture them to the requisite quality standards. Imported components faced high import tariffs of 25 to 40 percent (The Economist 1990, p 16). The technical standards of Chinese automobile-component suppliers in 1986 were nearly thirty years behind component manufacturers of Europe, Japan, and the United States. Even some simple materials, such as sandpaper for polishing cars and major items such as batteries, had to be imported. Although an automobile industry did exist in China, quality parts were hard to find (Raveed Renforth 2007, p 47). The problem was the development of local suppliers who could make components to Western standards. Furthermore, Volkswagens technical staff found it difficult to communicate Volkswagens concept of quality to the Chinese autoparts manufacturers. Since Shanghai is the most developed industrial area in China, it was expected that car components could be locally made there in the near future (Hofstede 2006, p 25). Local supply was therefore expected to improve, but it would take time. In fact, the development of local capabilities was incredibly important to their ability to compete in the market and has proven to be the most troublesome feature of Shanghai Volkswagens short history. In order to increase the value of an automobile from China-based factories, and to prove that the Chinese automotive industry could indeed compete with foreign suppliers, Volkswagen worked with their European parts manufacturers to encourage their entry into China. Volkswagens technical staff sup- ported the m by assisting with the identification of possible Chinese partners for the various parts to be manufactured. Also, Shanghai Volkswagen encouraged Chinese suppliers to forge cooperative relations with peer parts makers from abroad. From Volkswagens supplier group, suitable partners were chosen by Chinese suppliers and formal joint-venture relations between foreign and domestic supplier firms were signed. In order to assure quality improvement, Shanghai Volkswagen rated its suppliers (Woodard 2002, p 43). The joint-venture contract specifically charged the Chinese with responsibility for providing parts of acceptable quality. It categorized its suppliers into A, B, or C classes: A suppliers produced parts of export standard, B suppliers produced parts used for the domestic market that were not yet of export quality, and C suppliers produced parts below even first-rate domestic standards (Shanghai Volkswagen Automotive Ltd. 2004, p 45). Because of Shanghai Volkswagens strict quality control and demands, it rewarded its suppliers handsomely. This reward would provide an incentive to the supplie rs so that they would maintain their quality standards. Shanghai Volkswagen promised to pay its suppliers a purchase price capped at the price of a similar import, in addition to custom duties (Ball McCulloch 2005, p 112). It guaranteed a profit for every manufacturer in its parts-supplier network. Furthermore, Shanghai Volkswagen organized their suppliers into the Santana Localization Community. The community served to forge closer ties between Shanghai Volkswagen and its suppliers, and more important, among the suppliers themselves. The organizing principle behind the localization community was the relentless pursuit of quality (U.S. China Business Council 2008, p 5). Throughout the barrage of Chinese criticism over localization levels, the Germans refrained from making their problems public. Volkswagen officials patiently allowed the Chinese to find a solution to problems. On the Chinese side, the government granted some incentive for the Germans to increase local content. After 40 percent of parts were localized, the imported parts were no longer considered CKD kits and were then taxed at a lower rate. Similar tax reductions were made once the 60- and 80-percent localization barriers were crossed. Although there were some components and tasks that were still impossible to source in China, the progress of localization did quite well (Hofstede 2006, p 8). Research Questions And Objectives To prove that German patience paid off in the long run. Local content was 70 percent after the engine and gearbox were localized in 1991. The company reached its goal of 80- percent local content in 1993 (Bates et al. 2008, p 8). By the end of 1995, 90 percent of the components were locally sourced. In the Changchun plant, local content was 40 percent for Audi and 60 percent for Jetta. The company had strong, reliable dealer and supplier networks in place. Shanghai Volkswagen made a profit largely because they were able to provide a substitute for imports from Japan, and because they were assisted by the high import tariff set by the Chinese government (Hofstede 2006, p 23). To prove the logistical importance of the Guangdong factory. It initially appeared to be a logical site for the new factory. The province had one of the highest standards of living in the country and had acquired extensive experience with joint-venture projects. Moreover, with Guangdong far from Beijings watchful eye, Peugeot officials anticipated a greater degree of managerial autonomy than a plant in northern China might enjoy. Local government support for the joint venture also seemed strong. Yet these apparent advantages could not shield the Sino-French joint venture from its share of difficulties (United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations 2009, p 11). During the set-up phase, for example, Peugeot discovered that GPAC workers-formerly employed at the GAM bus and truck factory-had inadequate skills. Consequently, Peugeot had to spend more than anticipated, both on training PRC workers in Europe and sending French managers to the PRC. Commitments to localize parts production posed additional stumbling blocks for GPAC (United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations 2009, p 6). Though the joint-venture contract called for GPAC vehicles to reach a 90-percent Chinese content level within five years of start-up, the French partner found few suppliers of quality parts in Guangdong and was prohibited by Guangzhou officials from sourcing from other regions in China. Peugeot, for its part, was slow to establish its own joint-venture parts manufacturers, a key to Volkswagen AGs success in Shanghai (Hook 2001, p 6). GPAC thus had to assemble automobiles largely from imported parts, which proved costly when the French franc appreciated some 110 percent against the renminbi in the late 1980s. The resulting rise in prices of imported parts, together with PRC localization and consumption taxes totaling more than 45,000 yuan ($12,000, based on the 1989 exchange rate) per vehicle, substantially raised the final prices of finished vehicles. In early 1990, for example, the companys model 505 station wagon sold for 200,000 yuan ($54,000), while Shanghai Volkswagen Co. Ltd.s Santana, which was subject to similar taxes, sold for 180,000 yuan ($49,000). GPACs growth slowed as a result (Ball McCulloch 2005, p 34). Stiff Competition GPACs troubles were aggravated by such stiff competition from Shanghai Volkswagen. The Santana had achieved 75-percent local content by 1992, and thus was able to keep production costs and sales prices relatively low. Though GPAC had reached similar levels of domestic content by 1994, its least expensive station wagon (in the year 1997) costs 170,000 yuan ($21,000, based on the 1997 exchange rate), compared with 135,000 yuan ($16,000) for the least expensive Santana model. Moreover, the quality of both GPAC parts and finished vehicles remained poor. Because the local government objected to sourcing from plants outside Guangzhou, GPAC was forced to use local parts that often failed to meet international standards. Some of Peugeots management decisions also contributed to GPACs competitive weaknesses. The company reportedly repatriated most of its profits and made relatively few changes to its 1980s era products, whereas Volkswagen reinvested profits and refined its production, introducing a new ÊÂ »Santana 2000ÊÂ » model in the mid-1990s. The GPAC sedan also had problems finding a market niche, as its large engines high fuel consumption precluded the cars use as a taxi, and its outdated design failed to attract Chinese buyers. When com- pared with the Audi 100, made in Changchun by a joint venture between Audi AG, a subsidiary of Volkswagen, and Chinas First Automobile Works (Group) Corp., the GPAC sedan lacked the prestige that status-conscious private or government consumers sought in a vehicle (Hofstede Bond 2010, p 12). GPAC also was not as high a political priority for Guangzhou officials as the Volkswagen plant was for the Shanghai government (Bates et al. 2008, p 10). While the Shanghai municipality invested 5 to 6 billion yuan ($600-$700 million) to aid Volkswagens endeavor, Guangzhou officials only contributed about 1 billion yuan ($120 million) to help GPAC (Sender 2007, p 90). Further, because of Guangzhous laissez-faire approach to production and consumption, city leaders were reluctant to urge government officials or ente rprises into purchasing GPACs vehicles. In Shanghai, by contrast, the citys taxi company was one of the largest purchasers of Volkswagen Santanas. Further, 1996 Shanghai municipal rules on engine size for taxis effectively eliminated Volkswagens competitor in the city, the Tianjin Charade, from the taxi business (Hofstede 2006, p 23). Ironically, while GPACs remoteness from Beijing protected it from central-government interference, the southern China venture also did not rank high on Beijings planning agenda. And the lack of a central-government partner meant PRC leaders did little to forestall the joint ventures decline. Many MNCs are approaching China as a long-term strategic market, and they are investing large sums of money to help build sustainable long- term positions. This can be a rational strategy. MNCs that do not consider exploring Chinas vast market with its emerging consumer base could be missing a tremendous growth opportunity. But some MNCs take the long-term argument too far. The traditional belief that a firm has to be around a long time to get results is not necessarily right in all cases. Long-term success is best achieved through measurable short-term results (Sender 2007, p 91). It is true that Shanghai Volkswagen, Matsushitas TV tube factory, Charoen Pokphands animal-feed ventures, and Otiss elevator plant are all early entrants that are growing at double-digit rates. But Peugeot entered the Chinese market at the same time as Volkswagen, and it has lost tens of millions of dollars each year since 1995. Kraft entered China more than ten years ago, and all of its plants are now rep orted to be losing money (Shanghai Volkswagen Automotive Ltd. 2004, p 66). In a volatile market such as Chinas, sustainable long-term positions are necessarily built on a series of successful short-term moves. Short-term results can help build brand recognition, attract local talent, and secure support from the parent company. They can create a virtuous cycle (Frisbie 2003, p 4). By contrast, when MNCs see no positive short-term results, a vicious cycle could arise. Rather than revise the companys strategy, managers typically justify poor performance with the argument that China is a long-term market. Patience and longevity are not enough. In fact, many MNCs accomplished great short-term success. For instance, Ericsson, the Swedish telecom company, acquired 40 percent of the cellular handset market, worth $4 billion, in only three years. Kodak gained a 15-percent share of the $500-million film market in less than two years. Tingyi built a $500-million instant-noodle business from nothing in just four years (Daniels Radebaugh 2004, p 45); its average operat ing margin over that period was more than 20 percent. Many of these successes can be attributed to recent moves these companies have made, not to how long they have been in China. These examples show how MNCs can plan for success by making smart short-term moves, thereby helping to establish new rules for the game (Karp 2002, p 74). Their successes are also founded on their continuous learning in the market and their ability to react correctly to changing dynamics. Performance is driven by an adaptive strategy that can be implemented rapidly. In this respect, recent developments in the cellular handset market are particularly instructive. Continuous learning and adaptability is essential to manage the vastness of the market and the rapid rate of change (Hofstede Bond 2010, p 52). This is difficult in an environment like China, where Western managers face exceptional language and cultural differences, and doubly difficult because consumer demographics and tastes are constantly changing. Krafts Tang was successful at the start, but carbonated drinks and fruit juices were quickly substituted for it. Motorola was very successful with male consumers, but Ericsson took advantage of the demo- graphic shift in the cellular handset market toward women (Daniels Radebaugh 2004, p 62). As Ericssons success dramatically sh ows, in an emerging market, effective learning is essential. Although Peugeot and Volkswagen entered the Chinese automobile market at roughly the same time, their performances have differed dramatically. Volkswagens revenues have grown at a compounded annual rate of 77 percent since 1985. Sales exceeded $2 billion by 1995. Today Volkswagen has expanded its capacity to 300,000 cars; the company produces close to 200,000 cars per year. It enjoys more than a 50-percent share of the passenger car market and earns a double-digit after-tax profit. By contrast, Peugeot built a 90,000-car capacity and sold only 2,000 cars in 1996 (Bates et al. 2008, p 9). Research Plan Perspective The factors are labeled as political, legal, cultural, economic, historical and geographic. This paper addresses the six environmental factors as they apply to IJVs in the Peoples Republic of China. Examples are drawn from an active IJV in Shanghai. Much of the information on this IJV was gathered during a research visit to the manufacturing facility during spring. Data gathering techniques included an on-site interview in Shanghai and material secured from corporation and government agencies (Shanghai Volkswagen Automotive Ltd. 2004, p 2). Why have scholars avoided looking closely at the Chinese bureaucracy? First, the Chinese system has, until recently, been quite difficult to penetrate. Chinese citizens were to avoid divulging state secrets to foreigners (Manguno 2003, p 8); even general communication with such outsiders was discouraged. Much of the relevant information, then, was found in statements of the top leaders, published in newspapers or journals or broadcast over the radio. Foreign researchers in the 1960s and 1970s found that exiles and migrants from southern China to Hong Kong were also good sources, but the scarcity of central government bureaucrats among their numbers made many types of focused, in-depth interview research nearly impossible (Sender 2007, p 90). Data Collection Methods, Access and Sampling Strategy Although China remains a relatively secretive society, the amount of personal contact allowed with foreigners has vastly increased. The requirement for efficient functioning of economic transactions forces the Chinese to be more open in publicizing their bureaucratic procedures. In other words, even in the face of the June 1989 crackdown on dissent, it is now easier to gain access to the lower levels of power than in the years preceding the economic opening to the outside world (Frisbie 2003, p 4). Lins conclusions included lists of the positive and negative factors Americans faced in choosing to invest in China. He also made some comparison of Chinese and American attitudes toward the joint ventures. He omitted, though, focus on misperceived and misunderstood actions related to divergence in the long-term goals of the two sides (Manguno 2003, p 7). Ball and McCulloch, (2005) analyzed cultural expectations in conducting business in China. 20 He investigated Chinese feelings toward various nationalities, and used these results to predict the future success of some eighteen different nations and regions in trade relations with China. Although this work was useful for examining the Chinese attitudes toward the outside world, no comparison was made of foreign perceptions of and approaches to the Chinese side. Business journals present a further source of empirical data. Publications such as The China Business Review and business school magazines feature articles tailored to potential future investors. Availability of space and the general scope of these journals, however, tend to prohibit a fully developed theoretical analysis of Chinese industrial development (Hofstede 2000, p 32). Earlier studies also failed to employ Jerviss ideas of misperception. Considering the great differences in culture and past practices of the Chinese and foreign automotive representatives, it would be surprising if misunderstandings did not cloud the stimuli foreigners exerted on the Chinese policy makers. To further utilize Jerviss work, one should also consider the influence of misperception between higher and lower levels of the Chinese political system. Finally, the motivational elements of wishful thinking may also distort the policy process at many levels of the Chinese bureaucracy (Daniels Radebaugh 2004, p 12). My own approach seeks to build on the theoretical framework of Sender and Hook and the analysis of Hofstede on, while adding new empirical data in a different industrial sector, that of the automobile industry. In doing so, this thesis will take into account several variables that shaped both the political and the economic development of the Chinese automotive sector (Hofstede 2000, p 32). Four case studies look at the stimuli of domestic and foreign economic forces, and discuss their effect on the Chinese central government (Hofstede Bond 2010, p 11). The empirical parts will also examine the bargaining that took place between central and local politicians, and the misperception that affected the policy process. Finally, the studies shall note the differing policy outcomes for the four automotive ventures, and try to make projections of their future progress based on past experiences. Ethical Considerations Peugeots poor performance appears to have been caused by its repeated inability to learn in, and adapt to, a rapidly changing environment. As Volkswagens success demonstrates, the Chinese automotive industry is attractive, and Peugeot began its operations in China with plenty of advantages (Mowery 2008, p 3). Its joint venture was set up in the wealthy south, which has a more entrepreneurial culture because of its proximity to Hong Kong and because of the early promotion of the reform policies of the late Deng Xiaoping. By contrast, Volkswagens joint venture was established in the more conservative Shanghai region. Until the mid-1990s Shanghais economy was dominated by loss-making state-owned enterprises, and the city was not allowed to implement aggressive reform policies (Hofstede 2006, p 13). Yet Peugeot was not able to exploit its advantageous position in the south and did not learn how to succeed with commercial customers. In the 1980s automobile industry experts predicted that growth would be driven by consumer wealth and consumer demand. But the market in China remained commercial (U.S. China Business Council 2008, p 12). Even now, the vast majority of Chinese consumers cannot afford to own cars: More than 70 percent of cars in China are purchased by commercial companies. Volkswagen was quick to adjust its assumptions and operating paradigms; Peugeot was not. To serve the commercial market, Volkswagen built an aggressive distributor network and sales force (Hook 2001, p 32). Conclusion The company recognized that commercial buyers were less price sensitive than other consumers, given that they needed and were willing to pay for high-quality after-sales servicing. Volkswagen was able to push volume through its distributors and achieve critical mass. This growing volume allowed Volkswagen to realize considerable scale economies, thereby allowing it to drive down prices. Because Peugeot never man- aged to develop an effective approach for commercial buyers, it never generated the prices and profits needed to motivate distributors (Woodard 2002, p 2). Without this high-channel profit, it was unable to attract capable and aggressive distributors and could not develop a reasonable service network. Peugeot also failed to learn other important lessons. An understanding of the development of down- stream industries, for example, was crucial in identifying and promoting potential demand. Volkswagens partner lobbied the government to support the establishment of taxi companie s in Shanghai. Although consumers could not afford to buy private cars, their demand for taxi services supported the growth of taxi companies, which did buy cars from Volkswagen. Peugeot did not follow a similar strategy. The company was unable to secure a dominant position in its home province in China. Hence, it never achieved critical mass and a competitive cost position to grow its operations to a national scale. Losses piled up, and after a twelve-year stay in China, Peugeot exited the market.

The Impact of Social Class Divisions on the Women of Victorian England :: essays research papers fc

The Impact of Social Class Divisions on the Women of Victorian England Two hundred years ago, during the reign of Queen Victoria in England, the social barriers of the Victorian class system firmly defined the roles of women. The families of Victorian England were divided into four distinct classes: the Nobility or Gentry Class, the Middle Class, the Upper Working Class, and lastly, the Lower Working class . The women of these classes each had their own traditional responsibilities. The specifics of each woman’s role were varied by the status of her family. Women were expected to adhere to the appropriate conventions according to their place in the social order . For women in Victorian England their lives were regulated by these rules and regulations, which stressed obedience, loyalty, and respect. The highest social class in Victorian England was the Nobility or Gentry class. The members of this class were those who inherited their land, titles, and wealth . Popular opinion at the time asserted that the noble class women led lives of lavish luxury and wedded bliss. "Ladies were ladies in those days; they did not do things themselves, they told others what to do and how to do it." It is apparent as to how this notion that the women of the noble class led lives of fortune. Social parties and balls were common festivities, which these women regularly attended. For many, dancing was a favorite pastime. To an outsider, it seemed that a lady of the gentry class had nothing short of an enviable existence. The lavish way of life these women exhibited was outwardly apparent in the fashions of the time . Noble class women were adorned in ornate dresses, extravagant jewels, and the finest accessories. The best way to describe the look of upper class women in Victorian England is to say that she looked like a porcelain doll . However, the lives of these women were not as easy as it may have seemed. In retrospect, their roles, although seemingly wonderful, were actually oppressive. They were taught to be obedient and loyal to their husbands . Their opinions were devalued, and they were thought of as nothing more than an accessory to their husbands. Furthermore, there was little security in terms of financial stability . Land, titles, and money were inherited by the closest male relative; typically the older son, but if there was no older son then the estate would go to a more distant relation.

philosophy :: essays research papers

Chapter’s 3 & 4 Synopsis Chapters 3 & 4 Synopsis I believe the assumption of an external reality is the assumption that there is a real world that is external to our mind and senses, and that it exists whether or not we as observers exist, and whether or not we are observing it. This assumption cannot be proved because all of our perceptions, without exception, are mental images, and we have no means to go beyond our mental images. It is one we all commonly make without even thinking about it. In the military, we assume the office and the computer in it are there after we leave work at the end of the day and will be there when we arrive at work in the morning. When we head home at the end of the day, we assume that our house or apartment will be there when we arrive, and that it continued to be there in our absence after we left in the morning. We assume that our friends, relatives, and acquaintances are there whether we can see and talk to them or not, and whether or not we are thinking about them. We assume that our parents exist ed before we were born, and that many of the people we know will be alive after we die. So many of our everyday experiences repeatedly confirm this assumption that most of us hardly question it. It is an assumption that has enormous survival value: we know that a speeding car can kill us while we are crossing the street absorbed in our thoughts and unaware, that a stray bullet can instantly obliterate our consciousness without warning, or that we can die from an external agent such as a virus, a bacterium, or a poison. The assumption of external reality is necessary for science to function and to flourish. For the most part, science is the discovering and explaining of the external world. Without this assumption, there would be only the thoughts and images of our own mind (which would be the only existing mind) and there would be no need of science, or anything else. In addition to the assumption of an external reality, we also make the assumption that this reality is objective. Thi s is repeatedly confirmed by our daily experience as well as by scientific observations. I also learned that objectivity means that observations, experiments, or measurements by one person can be made by another person, who will obtain the same or similar results.

Three Kingdoms

The social and cultural development of the â€Å"Three Kingdoms† The social and cultural development of the â€Å"Three Kingdoms† The Three Kingdoms were founded after the fall of Gojoseon, and gradually conquered and absorbed various other small states and confederacies. The Three Kingdoms period ran from 57 AD until Silla's triumph over Koguryo in 668,[1] which marked the beginning of the North and South States period ( ) of Unified Silla in the South and Balhae in the North. The Three Kingdoms of Korea( refer to the ancient Korean kingdoms of Goguryeo, Paekche and Silla, which dominated the Korean peninsula and parts of Manchuria for much of the 1st millennium. I think it is very interesting that in ancient China also had a period named â€Å"three kingdoms†. But we all known, it’s totally different with the â€Å"Three Kingdoms† in Korea. China would be Sui and Tang dynasties when Korea was in the period of â€Å"Three Kingdoms†. In the C hinese history, Sui and Tang dynasties had been the most prosperity period. Sui and Tang dynasties had a strong influence in Asia; the relationship of the Three Kingdoms with China presented a complex situation.On one hand, the three kingdoms launched bold military assaults against china itself at times, one the other hand, none of the Three Kingdoms showed any hesitation in adopting whatever elements of Chinese culture and statecraft might be useful for its own development. The social development of the â€Å"Three Kingdoms† The Koguryo Kingdom was founded in 37 B. C. , and by the first century, it had firmly established itself as a powerful state. Koguryo developed into a powerful nation and acted as a bulwark against the aggressive northern nations and China. 2] (There is another view in china that the ancient Kingdom of Koguryo (37 BC–AD668) was China’s vassal state, of course this view ignited a firestorm of protest in South Korea. [3]) When we talk about t he social development of Koguryo we have to refer to the King Sosurim(371-384). The King Sosurim reshaped the pattern of Koguryo’s institutions. He adopted Buddhism and established a national Confucian academy in 372. Buddhism would give the nation spiritual unity, the national Confucian academy was essential to instituting a new bureaucratic structure, and the administrative code would systematize the state structure itself.In this way Koguryo completed its initial creation of a centralized aristocratic state. These internal arrangements laid the groundwork for external expansion. King Kwanggaet’o(391-413) vigorously added new domains to Koguryo by conquest. His great military campaigns recorded on a huge stone stele still standing at his tomb. Dominated by this king, Koguryo became a vast kingdom extending over two-thirds of Korean peninsula and much of Manchuria as well. Then, King Changsu(413-491) the son of King Kwanggaest succeeded, during his reign brought Kogur yo to its flourishing height.In 427 King Changsu moved the Koguryo capital from P’yongyang, in this new metropolitan center other institutional arrangements now were perfected. Koguryo could be developed as prosperous as it was benefited from the military system I think. The military organization of Koguryo approximated the following: [3] First, Koguryo military system was based on a conscription system, Second, the King was the only supreme command and he alone could order the troops. It was considered treason to mobilize armed forces without the king's approval. It was not until after King Sindae's rule that a single army was divided in to central and local army.The central army had more power than the local army. The central army was stationed in the capital to play the role of protecting the king and defending the capital. Meanwhile, the local army was stationed in local areas to play the role of maintaining public security and defending the borders. The central army comp osed of two kinds of soldiers, Professional soldiers from the ruler class called the Kuk-in ( ), and the farmer soldiers mobilized by the conscription system who farmed in peace times and were mobilized as soldiers in times of war. The local army composed of three grade groups: Dae-sung, Je-sung, and Sung.Paekche, one of three kingdoms into which ancient Korea was divided before 660. occupying the southwestern tip of the Korean peninsula, Paekche is traditionally said to have been founded in 18B. C. in the Kwangiu area by a legendary leader named Onji. [4]( Onjo and his followers, who are described in historical records as having been responsible for the founding of Paekche Kingdom, were immigrants from Puyo in northeast China. They settled in the Han River valley at the borders between Mahan and Ye population at the end of the first century B. C. as described in the Annals of Paekche in Samguk Sagi(Records of the Three Kingdoms). )[5] In the mid-3rd century during the reign of King Koi, Paekche concentrated its strength in the greater part of the Han River basin in order to solidify its base as an ancient kingdom, and in the mid-4th century during the reign of Kunch'ogo, it progressed into its Golden Age. King Kunch'ogo conquered the remaining land of Mahan to the south, completely unified the Honam district (now Cholla-do) and by rising victorious over battles with Koguryo, ruled over the Hwanghae Province to the north.During this period, Paekche also made inroads into Japan and parts of China including Shandong and Liaoxi. In the mid-4th century, Koguryo suffered a great loss as a result of invasions by Former Yan and Paekche but in the latter half of the 4th century, during the reign of King Sosurim, Koguryo accepted Buddhism, established a school called T'aehak, and through the promulgation of various laws, readjusted its national structure. During the consecutive reigns of King Kwanggaet'o and King Changsu, Koguryo greatly expanded its territory and held hegemony in north-eastern Asia.Paekche, in the 5th century, confronted the southward advancement of Koguryo, lost the territory along the Han River basin and moved its capital to Ungjin (Kongju). With its power weakened, Paekche, in the 6th century under the reign of King Song, again moved its capital, this time to Sabisong (Puyo), and began readjusting its institutions in order to revive itself. King Song actively promoted cultural exchanges with the Southern Dynasties of China and introduced Buddhism to Japan. During this period, Paekche joined Silla to help control the Han River, only to lose it again to Silla.Silla evolved out of Saro, one of the twelve walled ­town states in the Chinhan area of southeastern Korea. This state of Saro took the lead in forming a confederated structure with the other walled town states in the region, and it is thought that the appearance of the first ruler from the Sok clan, King T'arhae (traditional dates 57-80 A. D. ), marks the beginning of t his gradual process. By the time of King Naemul (356 ­402), then, a rather large confederated kingdom had taken shape, control ­ling the region east of the Naktong River in modern North Kyongsang province.Through both conquest and federation, Saro now had reached the stage where it rapidly would transform itself into the kingdom of Shilla. Naemul, the central figure in this unfolding historical drama, adopted a title befitting his new position as the ruler of a kingdom. Instead of isagum (â€Å"successor prince†), the term used by his predecessors, Naemul took the title maripkan, a term based on a word meaning â€Å"ridge† or â€Å"elevation. † From this point on, the kingship no longer alternated among three royal houses but was monopolized on a hereditary basis by Naemul's Kim clan.In the course of his reign Naemul sought help from Koguryo in thwarting the designs of Paekche, which was making use of both Kaya and Japanese Wa forces to harass the fledgling Silla kingdom. This effort was successful, but it led to a slowing of the pace of Silla's development. Silla had taken the step of fixing the right to the kingship in the house of Kim in the time of King Naemul, and before long, with the reign of Nulchi(417-458), the pattern of father to son succession to the throne was established .Shortly thereafter the six clan communities were reorganized into administrative â€Å"districts†, bringing a step closer to fruition the design for centralization of governmental authority. It is not clear just when this restructuring was carried out, but it appears to have been under King Soji (479-500), that is, sometime in the latter half of the fifth century. The establishment of post stations throughout the country and the opening of markets in the capital where the products or different locales might be traded were among the consequences, no doubt, of such a centralizing thrust in Silla's governance of its domain.Meanwhile, to counter the p ressure being exerted on its frontiers by Koguryo, Silla had concluded an alliance with Paekche in 433. It was at this time , most likely, that Silla was able to fully free itself from Koguryo's influence in its internal affairs, and in the process Silla's ties with Peakche became further strengthened. The fact that Silla forged marriage ties with King Tongsong of Paekche after the transfer of the Paekche capital to Ungjin in 475 is recounted in a well-known tale, and in the ensuing years the two countries carried out joint military operations on several occasions.Having experienced these domestic and external developments, Silla finally completed the structuring of a centralized aristocratic state in the reign of King Beopheung (514-540). Under his predecessor, King Jinheung (500-514), Silla had achieved important advances in its agricultural technology, as plowing by oxen was introduced and, from about this same time, irrigation works were carried out extensively. The resulting in crease in agricultural production must have been one factor in promoting change in Silla society. In the political sphere, then, the nation's name was declared to be Silla† and the Chinese term wang (â€Å"king†) was adopted in place of the native title. These sinifications were not merely terminological changes but reflected Silla's readiness to accept China's advanced political institutions. Another significant political development of this period was the emergence of the Pak clan as the source of queens for Silla's kings. The foundation thus having been readied, an administrative structure fully characteristic of a centralized aristocratic state was created in Silla in the reign of King Beopheung.The clearest indication of this development is the promulgation of a code of administrative law in 520. Although its provisions are not known with certainty, it is believed to have included such regulations as those delineating the seventeen-grade office rank structure, pres cribing proper attire for the officialdom, and instituting the kolp ‘um (â€Å"bone-rank†) system. â€Å"This was a system that conferred or withheld a variety of special privileges, ranging from political preferment to economic advantage, in accordance with the degree of respect due a person’s bone-bank, that is, hereditary bloodline.There were two levels of so-called bone-bank itself, â€Å"hallowed-bone† and â€Å"true-bone. † The hallowed-bone status was held by those in the royal house of Kim who possessed the qualification to become king. Those of true-bone rank also were members of the Kim royal house but originally lacked qualification for the kingship. The distinction between hallowed-bone and true-bone rank within the same Silla royal house of Kim originally seems to have been made on the basis of maternal lineage, but eventually the two bone-ranks coalesced into a single true-bone rank.In addition there were six grade of â€Å"head-rank one. † Head-rank six was just below true-bone status, while head-ranks three, two, and one probably designated the common people, that is, the non-privileged general populace. †[6] The cultural development of â€Å"Three Kingdoms† When we talk about the cultural development of the Three Kingdoms, the Buddhism and Confucian come to mind easily. Buddhism and Confucian were first introduced to Korean in 4th century just the three kingdoms period. And they were not only spread widely in the three kingdoms, they had a deep influence on many aspects of the three kingdoms.The Three Kingdoms accepted Buddhism, which greatly advanced and expanded the scope of their culture, political structure and society etc. First, the kingdom of Goguryeo invited a monk from China with Chinese Buddhist texts and Buddha statues in 372 A. D. Later, Buddhism was introduced to the kingdom of Paekche from Goguryeo in 384 A. D. In the case of the above two kingdoms, the royal families first p racticed Buddhism. However, in the kingdom of Silla, the common people were attracted to Buddhism. After Lee Chadon's martyrdom, King Beopheung officially recognized Buddhism in 527 A.D. The influence of Buddhism was mentioned before; Buddhism in the Three Kingdoms flourished with the support of the royal family and the aristocrats. In this way, Buddhism became the state religion, which contributed to the national defense. Buddhism also had far-reaching affect in the art field of Three Kingdoms. For example, the Buddhist Temple, Buddhist sculpture, Buddhist mural etc. came to the fore with large numbers. â€Å"Buddhist sculpture went through a transformation of styles and influences as it passed on to the Three Kingdoms.There is a scarcity of Koguryo. †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Buddhist images did appear in the form of lotus motifs and flame decorations on the walls of Koguryo tombs. The golden statues of the Maitreya shows the continued advancement of Paekche metal-working skills. There were a lso stone statues and pagodas that are a testament of Buddhist influences in Paekche. A distinction in Paekche sculptures that is local and purely Korean is the â€Å"Paekche smile† that the images possess. †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ Silla sculpture is noted for its variety of forms(†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦), and different materials used(granite, bronze, gold, iron).The most notable Buddhist sculptures of Silla include a relief image on a cliff face with Buddhist inscriptions, and images with Korean facial characteristics. †[7] â€Å"The surviving secular art of the period consists chiefly of burial gifts taken from tombs. †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦However, much pottery, along with items used for personal adornment, was uncovered in the second half of the 20th century from the less accessible Paekche and Silla tombs. The 1971 excavation of the tomb of King Munyong (died 523) and his queen in Kongju yielded many treasures, including gold crowns, silver and bronze items, and other decorative arts. †¦The most valuable pieces of Old Silla art came from huge mounded tombs in the Kyongju area. †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦. †[8] Three Kingdoms developed a colorful and refined aristocrat-centered Buddhist culture which was eventually introduced to Japan and greatly influenced the development of its ancient culture. â€Å"Confucianism has been the main foundation of traditional thought that deeply spread its roots in Korean society. Throughout Korean history, the Korean people respected Confucian learning and attached its great significance to education. This tradition continues to the present time.There is no ancient Korean historical record about the introduction of Confucianism, but Confucianism was transmitted to Korea through continental China before the diffusion of Chinese civilization (Clark, 1981, pp. 91-94; Grayson, 1989, pp. 60-61; Yun, 1996). According to one important historical record, Samguk-saki (Historical Record of Three Kingdoms, Kim, 1145), the Three Kingdoms, Koguryo (3 7 BC-AD 668), Paekche (18 BC-AD 660), and Silla (57 BC-AD 935), were learning Chinese ideas and culture. Therefore, Chinese systems and ideas pervaded the three early states of Korea and had significant impact on Korean culture and society. [9] Through the above information, we can see that the Confucianism affected the Korean from the Three Kingdoms period. It introduced to Koguryo in 372 in first, and the first formal institution of the elite education Taehak (National Confucian Academy), built by King Sosurim of Koguryo in 372. The institution taught the Chinese letter and the Chinese classics, such as Confucian texts. Since the purpose of the institution was mainly to foster prospective government officials, the scions of the aristocratic class only could attend at the school.The same with Paekche, it have the Confucian Academy, Paekche educated the Chinese literae humaniores and produced various Confucian academic scholars, many of whom contributed much to the development of th e ancient Japanese culture. Silla accepted the Confucian at the last, the precept of fidelity of Confucian was valued by the member of the Hwarang bands, and this cohesive force was directed up-ward to bolster the authority of the throne. There were many kinds of arts and culture did a progress in the Three Kingdoms period. Such as painting, poetry and music etc. In here, I will introduce them just simply.The painting of the Three Kingdoms period often has a strongly religious character, there’re some information can prove it to a certain extent (Korea’s earliest known paintings date to the Three Kingdoms period. Vivid polychrome paintings depicting shamanistic deities, Buddhist and Daoist themes, heavenly bodies and constellations, and scenes of daily life among Koguryo aristocrats Vivid polychrome paintings depicting shamanistic deities located along the north bank of the Yalu (Korean: Amnok) River near Ji’an, China, in the area around P’yongyang to the south, and in the Anak area in Hwanghae province.Although the Koguryo custom of painting the plastered walls of tomb burial chambers spread to Paekche and Silla (as well as to Kyushu, Japan), only a few murals from these kingdoms survive. Paintings from the Three Kingdoms are mainly those from decorated tombs. The earliest dated Koguryo tomb, the Tomb of Tongsu, or Tomb No. 3, in Anak, south of P’yongyang, was built in 357. All other known tombs except for Tokhung-ni Tomb, bearing an inscription datable to 408 ce, are undated but can be roughly classified as early (4th century), middle (5th–6th century), or late (6th–7th century).The early tomb murals were portraits of the dead master and his wife, painted either on the nichelike side walls of an entrance chamber or on the back wall of the main burial chamber. The paintings were executed on the plastered stone wall with mineral pigment. The colours used were black, deep yellow, brownish red, green, and purple. The general tone of the paintings is subdued. In the middle stage, though portraits were still painted, they depicted the dead master in connection with some important event in his life, rather than seated solemnly and godlike as in the earlier period.In the Tomb of the Dancing Figures in the Tonggou region around Ji’an, the master is shown on the northern wall of the main chamber feasting with visiting Buddhist monks. A troupe of dancers is painted on the eastern wall and a hunting scene on the western one. The delicate wiry outlines of the first phase of Korean mural painting are replaced by bold, animated lines, which are quite distinct from the prevailing Chinese styles. In the hunting scene, mounted warriors shoot at fleeing tigers and deer. Lumps of striated clay are used to depict mountain ranges.Forceful brushstrokes are used to heighten the effect of motion of the galloping horses and fleeing game. This sense of dynamism is characteristic of Koguryo painting reflecti ng the brave spirits of its people. In the third and final stage of Koguryo mural art, the technique of mural painting was improved and imagery refined under the influence of Chinese painting. Lines flow and colours are intensified. Genre paintings of preceding stages disappeared, and the Four Deities of the cardinal compass points now occupied the four walls, a concept derived from Daoist religious art of the Six Dynasties period.Dating probably from the first half of the 7th century, the paintings of the Three Tombs at Uhyon-ni, near P’yongyang, and of the Tomb of the Four Deities in Ji’an are the best examples from the final phase of Koguryo fresco painting. Tomb painting spread to Paekche, where two examples of tomb wall painting can be found, the tombs of Songsan-ni in Kongju and of Nungsan-ni in Puyo. In addition, a pillow from the tomb of King Munyong (501–523), in Kongju, features fish and dragons and lotus flowers painted in flowing exquisite lines in i nk against a red background.In the greater Silla area, one decorated tomb at Koryong in the former Kaya territory and two tombs discovered in the 1980s at Yongju have survived, but the paintings in all three are badly damaged. The best example of painting from the Old Silla period is found on a saddle mudguard made of multi-ply birch bark discovered in the Tomb of the Heavenly Horse in Kyongju in 1973; the mudguard depicts a galloping white horse surrounded by a band of honeysuckle design. ) And the same with poetry and music, they also has a strongly religious character. I think this could occur in the introduced of Buddhism.Most of poetry and music were teach by Buddhist monks or created by Buddhist monks. So we can see that the â€Å"flourishing of Buddhism both enriched the intellectual content of Three Kingdoms art and introduced markedly advanced artistic techniques, and in consequence works began to appear in which a more refined sense of beauty and harmony can be discerned. †[11] Conclusion: Through searched amount of materials and sorted out them to be the existing writings,I finally finished the paper—The social and cultural development of the â€Å"Three Kingdoms†.I have to say that it is a painstaking process, but I’m very gratified to find that I have in-depth understanding how the Three Kingdoms was. Of course, I just discoursed little aspect of it. Even then, I got some thoughts in my mind. According to my paper, each of the three kingdoms had rigid social status system. I supposed that the three kingdoms contained each other all the time. They form an alliance at times, but just for its own national interests. So they would launch war to defend their national interests. The three kingdoms had a complex relationship with China.One hand, they didn’t want be controlled by China, another hand, they wanted to absorb the Chinese culture what can improve theirs’ comprehensive national strength. The transmissio n of Buddhism and Confucian shows the importance of learn advance culture. The advanced culture can promote the development of the construction of the political and economic, moreover, it is benefit to the growth of arts and culture. Chinese saying goes â€Å"taking history as a mirror†, in my opinion, it’s doesn’t work when you learn to some other country’s history.When we learning foreign history we will take better understanding of what do they thinking, why do they do things like that†¦ I think it’s a wonderful way to promote exchanges between the countries of the world. Bibliography: [1]Encyclopedia of World History, Vol I, P464 Three Kingdoms, Korea, Edited by Marsha E. Ackermann, Michael J. Schroeder, Janice J. Terry, Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur, Mark F. Whitters. [2] http://blog. daum. net/cor1007/8743772 [3] ? / [4] http://www. britannica. com/EBchecked/topic/438085/Paekche [5] by [6]? Korea old and new a history?Ch. 3. Aristocratic So cieties Under Monarchical Rule_ Political and Social Structure of the Three Kingdoms p32~p33 [7] http://scienceview. berkeley. edu/VI/index. html [8]http://www. britannica. com/EBchecked/topic/719289/Korean-art/283332/Three-Kingdoms-period-c-57-bce-668-ce [9]Radical Pedagogy (2001) ISSN: 1524-6345 Jeong-Kyu Lee, Ph. D. Division of Educational Policy Research Korean Educational Development Institute/Hongik University [10] ? Korea old and new a history? Ch. 3. Aristocratic Societies Under Monarchical Rule_ Political and Social Structure of the Three Kingdoms p39